Over the past
few months I have received numerous requests that I devote some considered
commentary to recent events in my adopted country. Until now I have refrained
from making any public statements. Like anyone living here it is almost
impossible not to take sides. Yet the situation is incredibly complicated and
bewildering. Each issue has its own set of nuances and although I have lived here
for five years there is still much that I do not understand about Thai
conventions and mindsets.
Now, on the
eve of my first public address to a Thai audience on some future options
available to this nation, and as co-convenor of a small group of non-aligned
public intellectuals who have set about the task of crafting a suite of
scenarios for a “third way” I feel it appropriate to break my self-imposed
silence and speak out regarding the need for reconciliation and reform.
We
had been on the road for almost three weeks. During that time we caught only intermittent
snippets of news about the deteriorating situation at home. Official reports coming
out of Thailand amounted to government propaganda and could not be trusted. Even
so-called neutral English-language newspapers were noticeably biased towards
officialdom. Eventually we just relied on reports from foreign journalists supplemented
by phone calls with local friends and family who were at least credible first-hand
witnesses to what was going on.
Returning
home was even more distressing, although I am not sure what my wife and I had actually
expected. We arrived at Suvarnabhumi airport off an Emirates flight from Sydney
in the early hours of Sunday morning - barely a day after the military put a precise
yet bloody end to protests by UDD “red shirt” activists. Streets that normally would
be bustling with energy were deserted. Not a soul could be seen. The curfew was
in full swing. We spotted a few smoke trails and the stench of burning tyres still
hung in the air. We were home.
When
I ventured out the following morning to view the carnage I was shocked even though
I had been told what to expect. The heart of Bangkok was transformed into a
scene out of a painting by Hieronymous Bosch. Amazing Thailand, the brand presenting Thailand to the world, was smashed,
perhaps permanently.
Two
weeks have past but nothing of substance has changed. If anything the
provocative, politically-motivated behaviour of the government (particularly in
charging former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra with terrorism) is making
matters far worse than they need to be and is sending strong signals that genuine
community reconciliation is a bridge too far. Besides such ill-advised
strategies nearly always backfire and in this case the international community
has already passed judgement on the ineffectiveness and self-serving nature of
Thailand’s political elite.
I
get a strong sense, too, that the smouldering anger and resentment of an entire
community has just gone to ground. People are waiting - patiently biding their
time for the next opportunity to redress issues of inequality that run deep in
Thai society.
Meanwhile
Prime Minister Abhisit and his government continue to insist that normality has
returned to Thailand. The truth is that life in this nation is anything but
normal – at least if by the term normality
we mean the way things should be in a civilized country during these
early years of the 21st century. The facade of daily life appears
normal enough. Glancing at the images of young celebrities staring out from the
pages of local magazines or buying sticky rice and grilled chicken from the
street food vendors, one might be forgiven for thinking that life had indeed
returned to normal.
But
looks can be so deceptive. Although the curfew has been lifted, a state of emergency
continues to apply in some provinces. At best an uneasy calm prevails. The famed
Thai smile has vanished, only to be replaced by furtive glances and whispers in
cafes about who shot Sae Daeng and what really took place in Wat Pathuwanaram
on that fateful night in May. Sadly I no longer feel so welcome here as I walk
down Soi Thonglor to do some shopping. I notice the suspicion lurking deeply in
the eyes of those who scuttle past me, resolutely avoiding my gaze.
There
are also cold statistics to be considered and explained. Tourism has collapsed to
the extent that occupancy rates for many hotels is 25 percent less than this
time last year. Small business owners are more anxious about the future than
ever before. University student numbers have decreased. Unemployment is going
through the roof.
In
spite of the various commercial trappings that give this nation a semblance of sophistication,
Thailand remains fundamentally feudal in its social and power structures as
well as its belief systems. But the veneer of urbane erudition is beginning to wear
thin. Propped up by a propaganda machine and an elite that assumes a compliant public
will continue to remain loyal to the state’s most venerable institutions, tolerance
and trust in legitimate authority are nevertheless crumbling. The wealthy are
beginning to fear for their future. Cultural traditions which, until now, have
been the bedrock of Thai society, are losing their mystique and gloss. Most
significantly the social and political divide, once secreted away from public
view, has burst open like a cancerous sore. This time there can be no escape
from reality and the healing, if at possible, will take decades rather than
months.
At
the same time possibilities for greater political inclusion and economic
equality have been held up to the rural poor. They have seen what is on offer
in the global marketplace and, like their compatriots in the cities, want a
piece of the action. That is only fair after all. Even as the activists camped
amidst the downtown shopping malls, stuffed full of international brand names
they would never be able to afford, a new truth began to dawn on those present.
This was a revelation to many in the crowd and immediately transcended any
allegiance they might have had to Thaksin. For this revelation was symbolic of
a better future for all Thais. Its essence is easily summarised as it conforms
to the basic principles of democracy: Life
has treated us unequally. But it does not need to be like this. Injustice and
poverty can be eliminated from our country. Democracy is the force that can
liberate us. We will not endure serfdom any longer. All it will take to create
a more equitable society is unity and political will.
As
it turned out, the protest leaders grossly underestimated the degree to which
this symbolism would be acceptable to the most powerful groups and factions in Thailand. It
created a brutal wedge between those that empathised with these principles and
those who had a vested interest in maintaining the status quo. After that the ensuing conflict was inevitable.
Yet
upon reflection there is considerable merit in what the protestors were
advocating. Had they sought less disruptive means to voice their protest
perhaps the results would have been more positive. For although Thai citizens
are wealthier now than at any other time in the past five decades, the relative
gap between the wealthy urban elite and the rural poor has become a chasm. Unfortunately
the means chosen by the UDD to voice their complaints has simply generated more
distrust. Meanwhile the elite, the security forces and powerful business
interests continue to feather their own nests, doing little to re-establish
trust or deal with the corruption that is at the root of the problem.
Embedded
corruption and an extreme polarisation of views, potentially leading to further
insurrection, have become the greatest insidious dangers for Thailand. They
threaten to derail any tentative first steps towards reconciliation and the
re-building of trust. Recent history is not much help. The turbulent years that
commenced with a bloodless coup, toppling populist former prime minister
Thaksin Shinawatra, has seen two constitutions, four different governments,
four party dissolutions and six different prime ministers. Meanwhile social
conflict along traditional class lines has increased and the violence in the
far south, much of it probably the result of internal competition between rogue
paramilitary factions, continues unabated.
So
what can be done to ensure that the current lull in hostilities is not merely
an interlude between crises?
Over
and above these principles, the policy path to reconciliation and future
progress is quite transparent. A majority of Thai citizens want political and
social inclusion. They also want their government to continue subsidizing the
rural economy (a trend that has been in train for at least the past two
decades) in order to eradicate inequalities and unfair discrimination. They
want to eliminate double standards. And they want to change those laws that
manipulate circumstances in order to prohibit freedom of expression.
Naturally there are more intractable issues that
will take far longer to address:
- Reform
of the police force is essential, particularly in terms of eliminating embedded
corruption and focusing their attention on internal security matters.
- The
bloated military, too, needs urgent attention if it is to command the respect
its leaders deserve. Conscription is an outdated mechanism and, along with the
various paramilitary units, should be scrapped in favor of a more professional
service. Here the emphasis should be on maintaining external and border
security rather than an instrument for internal political maneuvering.
- In order to ensure that the police and the military remain in service to the monarchy
and to the people a stronger degree of coherence and cohesion will be required within
the political arena. This is best bought about through the exercise of democratic principles.
- Finally there needs to be a massive investment
in overhauling what has become an archaic educational system that still emphasizes
basic literacy and rote memorization instead of curiosity, inquiry, creativity, innovation and entrepreneurship.
Without
this level and scale of democratic principles and policies applied to societal
design as well as the domestic economy, the outlook for the nation is dismal
indeed. But if the struggle for reconciliation is undertaken with purity of
intent and a “third way” forged to include all parties and interests, Thailand’s
social and economic future in Asia will be assured.
Let us
hope that they can pull it off. The alternatives are simply too depressing to
entertain.